14 August 2025

Codice Cavalleresco by Luigi Barbasetti

Just one year before publishing the sabre treatise that would solidify his legacy in the German-speaking world, Luigi Barbasetti made his authorial debut not with treatise on fencing, but a duelling code. His code appeared in the German language in early 1898 bearing the title Ehren-Codex, having been translated from Italian and 'adapted for Austro-Hungarian use' by military officer and fencing instructor Gustav Ristow.1 Only a few months later an Italian-language version appeared, published under the similarly generic title Codice Cavalleresco.2 Scans of my own Italian copy can be viewed in the link below.

*** Click here to view ***

While the fact that the German publication was a translation would suggest that this book was simply the publication of Barbasetti's original Italian manuscript, he himself explicitly states in the introduction that this text was actually translated back to Italian from the German edition of the book, although by whom exactly we are never told. The Italian text has however been 'slightly revised', and also features a preface by the Italian jurist Costantino Castori. Due to the complicated legal status of duelling in Italy, this was clearly an effort on the publisher's part to put a legitimising stamp on what was in essence the regulation of extra-judicial violence.3

Barbasetti's ever-growing reputation as a fencing master would certainly have been helpful in providing him some authority in matters of honour, yet this by no means made his duelling code immune from criticism. Some Austrian commentators noted that Barbasetti's code was an attempt to impose Italian duelling customs on the more Germanic-oriented customs of Austria and Hungary.4 One such foreign custom was Barbasetti's explicit refusal to allow the thrust to be excluded in the duel as a safety measure. Another was that while Barbasetti forbade duels to death, his allowance for duels to be carried out ad oltranza, or 'to the extreme', was viewed as being both morally and legally no different, as it required combat to end 'only when one [of the combatants] falls to the ground, or is unable to continue due to receiving a very serious wound.'5

Barbasetti's code reflected a common view in Italy at the time that although the act of duelling was deplorable and that society should seek to irradicate it altogether, for the meantime duelling was unfortunately still necessary due to the lack of legal recourse available to those who had their honour besmirched by another. In line with this view, Barbasetti opposed duels to first blood as well as any other provisions to reduce the severity of a duel (such as excluding use of the point with sabres), believing that the best way to reduce the prevalence of duels was to ensure that they were not conducted over petty matters with little risk. In Germanic cultures, by contrast, it was common to exclude the thrust in sabre either by tacit agreement between the duellists or by blunting the points entirely.6 Many Italian duelling commentators like Barbasetti ridiculed this practice, as in their eyes reducing the potential lethality of a duel, thereby lowering the stakes for the duellists, only encouraged men to behave more provocatively and deploy insults more freely.7

One notable writer to criticise Barbasetti on this point was Gusztáv Arlow, whose 1902 sabre treatise is one of the foundational texts of the Italo-Hungarian school. In a short section at the end of his treatise discussing how to conduct sabre duels, Arlow makes a point to criticise Barbasetti (as well as his translator Ristow) in a footnote almost half a page long. Barbasetti's measures to reduce the severity of duels, even those which result from minor offences, were apparently antiquated and reckless, exasperatedly remarking: 'Human frivolity knows no bounds.'8 He was also critical of the fact that the code was supposedly adapted to 'Austro-Hungarian' customs, as this to him demonstrates a lack of a understanding of how different Austrian and Hungarian duelling customs could be.

Both the German and Italian versions were received positively by the sporting press, and in fact the Italian Gazzetta dello Sport reported that the first printing of the German text had completely sold out by July 1898.9 It remained popular enough in both languages to warrant a second Italian edition in 1905, with second and third editions of the German text appearing in 1901 and 1908 respectively.10 Despite the warm reception in Italy, Barbasetti was never able to unseat the very popular code by Jacopo Gelli, which was then already in its 8th edition and continued to be republished up until the eve of the Second World War.11


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1 Luigi Barbasetti, Ehren-Codex, trans. Gustav Ristow (Vienna: Verlag der Allgemeine Sport-Zeitung, 1898).
2 Luigi Barbasetti, Codice Cavalleresco (Milan: Alessandro Gattinoni, 1898).
3 For an excellent deep-dive on Italian duelling culture at this time, see Stephen Hughes, Politics of the Sword: Dueling, Honor, and Masculinity in Modern Italy (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2007).
4 S. Leo, "Pacemacher des Todes," Feuilleton, Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung, 12 June 1898, 2–3; Hermann Bahr, "Barbasetti," Feuilleton, Neues Wiener Tagblatt, 21 January 1900, 1–2.
5 Barbasetti, Codice Cavalleresco, 110.
6 Hans Kufahl and Josef Schmied-Kowarzik, Duellbuch: Geschichte des Zweikampfes nebst einem Anhang enthaltend Duellregeln und Paukcomment (Leipzig: J. J. Weber, 1896), 221.
7 Hughes, Politics of the Sword, 181–2.
8 Gusztáv Arlow, Sir Gusztáv Arlow's Sabre Fencing, trans. Annamária Kovács, ed. Russ Mitchell (Irving, TX: Happycrow Publishing, 2022), 234.
9 "Fra le pubblicazioni," Scherma, La Gazzetta dello Sport, 4 July 1898, 1. For some full reviews, see Camillo Müller, "Über den neuen Ehrencodex," Duellwesen, Allgemeine Sport-Zeitung, 13 February 1898, 156–7; J. H. Aubry, "Un nouveau code," Journal des Sports, 23 March 1898, 1; Roderico Rizzotti, "Codice cavalleresco di Luigi Barbasetti," Scherma, La Gazzetta dello Sport, 1 August 1898, 2; "Codice cavalleresco Barbasetti," L'Indipendente (Trieste), 17 September 1898, 2.
10 Luigi Barbasetti, Codice Cavalleresco (Turin: R. Streglio, 1905); Ehren-Kodex, trans. Gustav Ristow (Vienna: Wilhelm Braumüller, 1901); Ehren-Kodex, trans. Bernhard Dimand (Vienna: Wilhelm Braumüller, 1908).
11 Jacopo Gelli, Codice Cavalleresco Italiano, 8th ed. (Milan: Ulrico Hoepli, 1896). This duelling code had a tremendously long life, seeing an 18th edition in 1938.

16 July 2025

Radaellians Respond to Pecoraro and Pessina (Part 4)

The publication of Masiello's booklet of criticism marked the climax of the debate surrounding Pecoraro and Pessina's sabre treatise. As we already saw with Alberto Cavaciocchi's reply to Masiello, public discussion began to focus more on the people making the arguments against Pecoraro and Pessina's treatise rather than the text itself. News of the treatise's imminent approval by the Ministry of War (and a possible second edition in the works) likely made the adoption of the new system seem like a fait accompli even to those who deemed it inadequate, at least in its current state.

In line with this state of affairs, Radaellian master Poggio Vannucchi decided to take up his pen to denounce the new official system as well as the general trend of Italian fencing. Below is the full translation of an article of his published on 14 March 1911 in the Bolognese newspaper Il Resto del Carlino. Note that the incident he is referring to at the beginning was a recent public dispute between Agesilao Greco and Jean Joseph Renaud following a fencing exhibition in Paris. The dispute eventually ended in a duel between the latter and Italian journalist Luigi Campolonghi.

If the recent Italo-French fencing dispute has ended in a not-too-dishonourable way for the Italian nation, and this is thanks to the intervention of those who dared drop the pen for the sword to protect our honour, we must also confess that this dispute ended deplorably for our Italian fencing; it was a true disaster.
This is not to rekindle controversies which we should instead all wish to be over and hope, unfortunately in vain, for them to be soon buried in oblivion. It is not even to criticise the chivalrous behaviour of our champions that I wish to make my voice heard here; the whole nation and the entire civil world was the judge of that behaviour.
It is only technical deficiency that I intend to speak of—our lack of preparation, the inferiority, it must be admitted, in which we find ourselves. And we can admit this, because it is not an inferiority of race or of traditions, but of systems, an inferiority which depends not on less aptitude, but of less seriousness in preparation and practice.
I will mention nothing else, because too much has already been written rightly or wrongly and even when it was better to be silent.
What the current state of our fencing is, that professed officially at the Rome Master's School, in institutes and military corps, and unfortunately even on the pistes of international tournaments, what this fencing is, I have already discussed on another occasion in the columns of this same newspaper.
I said then that one of its fundamental principles is the laziness which the lunge in the Neapolitan style teaches, more resembling a comfortable sitting-down than the sudden burst that it should be and which, according to them, allows one to return to guard more comfortably. And this laziness introduces a whole arsenal of small tricks, deceptions, games; gimmicks like rattling, somersaults, and mean ploys; intentionally provoked double touches to strike fraudulently where one cannot strike with art; parries done no longer with the blade, but with the body, if necessary turning the back or exposing another part of the body where blows are not conventionally valid.
And I also said that instead our true fencing—that with which Radaelli made the best Italian fencers in a single year—is fatiguing and gruelling, with neither economy nor respite, because only in this way can the necessary performance of the body's capacity and the harmony of movements and volition be achieved.
A few minutes, I added, of strict instruction on the piste should be enough to exhaust the keen pupil, who fully intends to gain the necessary requirements; far better than hours and hours of continuous teasing, whipping, charming jumps, and back turns. And with this exercise it is possible to implement that system which is one of our forgotten glories, which is based on the absolute precedence of the blade over the body so that those who strike in a truly sudden manner, without having warned the opponent with the body, should touch; the other cannot parry, even if they know where the other wants to strike, even if a simple and brief movement is enough to parry; they cannot parry if the opponent had a good start, simply because they had a good start.
This requirement of the blow is something very arduous to achieve; it requires effort and constancy, enthusiasm and sacrifice, but it is only this which can ensure supremacy for Italian fencing.
I would like to again recall that I twice gave an open invitation to a practical test of this fundamental principle, a test which I still propose in the same terms: to lunge from defined guard positions against a declared target, without a preceding movement or feint to deceive the opponent, at correct measure, committing myself to touching the opponent at least six times out of ten and parrying at least the same number of their blows. And perhaps this time too I will wait in vain.
But to return to our current thesis and conclude: throw into oblivion this disgrace that we call the current official Italian fencing system, that which is the cause of our defeats and our embarrassments, and exhume our old, true fencing; because when the system is serious, so too is the behaviour of those who profess it and represent the Italian name in trials of arms held before the entire civil world.
Cap. Poggio Vannucchi
Fencing master

Vannucchi does not name Pecoraro and Pessina explicitly, but it was well known by then (at least among fencing enthusiasts) that the two masters had taken over direction of the Master's School, and his reference to the 'lunge in the Neapolitan style' would be universally understood as the type with an upright torso that was typical of Neapolitan fencers. This body carriage is typical of the supposed weakness Vannucchi sees in fencing of the period, which had strayed too far from the 'fatiguing and gruelling' style of the Radaellian of his younger years in the 1870s and early 80s. For those of you who have read Vannucchi's 1915 treatise, the above article might seem rather familiar, as the majority of it is in fact repeated verbatim in his treatise's introduction.1 One may note the removal of the reference to the Master's School, as by 1915 it had been closed as part of the country's war preparations and could no longer be blamed for any perceived degradation in the nation's fencing.

In the meantime, Masiello did eventually become aware of Alberto Cavaciocchi's article in Rivista Militare, but after reading it he did not deem the technical arguments to be of a high enough standard to warrant a full rebuttal. Nevertheless two of Cavaciocchi's personal attacks against him did justify a reply, which appeared in La Nazione on 16 April 1911. After accusing Cavaciocchi of being uncourteous by not informing him of the Rivista Militare article's publication, as Masiello assures he always does when replying to others, he first takes issue with Cavaciocchi's claim that Masaniello Parise's attempt to conciliate the opposing factions in Italy around the year 1889 only ended in vain thanks to the 'intransigence of a few'. Masiello informs him that there were in fact two such attempts, and that if anyone present at those meetings should be accused of intransigence, then it should be Parise himself. Masiello quotes a letter he had received a few days earlier from Salvatore Arista, who said that at one of these meetings, during a discussion on how the disengagement should be executed, Parise dismissively stated 'let's not go into useless details'. For Masiello, such a statement was demonstrative of how disingenuous Parise's engagement was with his critics, and how futile such attempts at conciliation were from the outset.

The second exception Masiello took with Cavaciocchi's article is when the latter brought up an exhibition which Masiello took part in at the National Academy of Fencing in Naples in 1880. Aside from the fact that Cavaciocchi misremembered the year the event actually happened (1882) and falsely called the event was 'competition' rather than simply an exhibition, he also claimed that when Masiello appeared to be losing to his clearly superior Neapolitan opponents he pulled out of the event, claiming that the pain in his knee had become too great to continue. As Masiello rightly points out, he had in fact been suffering significant knee pain at the time which was increasingly preventing him from fencing, such that in 1881 he even underwent a meniscectomy to remedy this pain, which was the first time such a procedure had been performed in Italy.2 Masiello concludes his short article by assuring Cavaciocchi and all those who had been subject to his criticism that he has no intention of dethroning or defaming anyone, but simply to speak the truth as he sees it for the benefit of fencing. He also declares that he has too high an opinion of his own system for it to be adopted at the Master's School, where, with an explicit nod of approval to Vannucchi's article, they follow methods 'based on laziness'.

The final publication to directly contribute to this debate (that I am aware of at least) was a booklet titled Poche parole "Sui metodi di scherma per l'esercito" del Colonnello di fanteria E. Cavaciocchi written by a Florentine amateur named Giovanni Dumortier. Dated to May 1911, the booklet is a direct rebuttal of Cavaciocchi's article, with Dumortier emulating his witty and occasionally condescending tone. Given that the booklet was published in Florence, it is possible that Dumortier was a student or acquaintance of Masiello, and felt compelled to defend his friend. Since Cavaciocchi spent a significant portion of his article comparing Parise's system with the Radaelli and Masiello's, Dumortier's booklet is almost entirely occupied with refuting these points and defending the legacy of the Radaellians.

Those who are interested in the specifics of the argumentation should read the booklet themselves, but the most pertinent point to the overall debate regarding Pecoraro and Pessina's treatise is in Dumortier's conclusion, where he admits that he is quite certain the new system will be approved by the military. This, he claims, is not because the system is revolutionary or altogether different from what came before, but precisely because this is the exact kind of sabre fencing that had been taught at the Master's School for the past 25 years: a mixed style which disregarded the official status of Parise's method. While there is good evidence to suggest that practical instruction at the school often diverged from the official curriculum, Dumortier is probably exaggerating the true extent of this practice.

It is here that the great controversy of Pecoraro and Pessina's treatise finally subsided, likely to the great relief of the embattled authors as well as the general fencing public. While the 1912 revised edition improved many of the flaws that the book was accused of possessing, it never quite reached the same semi-legendary status as Parise's treatise. A large part of this can be attributed to the fact that, unlike Parise's treatise, Pecoraro and Pessina's text did not enjoy three straight decades of use at the Master's School, as the school was closed only few years later at the outset of the First World War. However, the treatise did re-emerge in the 1920s when the school was reopened under Mussolini's fascist government, which prompted a reprinting of Pecoraro and Pessina's sabre and épée treatises (as well as Parise's foil section) exclusively for students of the school. Over the following decades various authors throughout Europe considered the book authoritative enough to cite or sometimes even plagiarise in their own works, and when Giorgio Pessina (Carlo's son) and Ugo Pignotti were tasked with writing a new sabre textbook for the Italian Fencing Federation in the 1960s, they too drew inspiration from Pecoraro and Pessina, preserving their molinelli and preliminary exercises more or less unaltered and making extensive use of their terminology throughout.3

Returning now to 1911, when the treatise's legacy was still unwritten (and indeed there is much more that can be said about said legacy), we do find at least one old-school Radaellian who saw the publication of Pecoraro and Pessina's treatise in a rather positive light. Egidio Candiani was a graduate of the Milan Master's School under Radaelli and later spent some of his career as an assistant instructor at the Rome Master's School under Parise. In November 1911, as the fencing masters of the military were being called to the Master's School to learn the new Radaellian method, Candiani expressed his hope that Pecoraro and Pessina's leadership would return Italian sabre fencing onto the bright path it had once followed. I will end here and let Candiani speak for himself.

Radaelli resurgit!

It is not well established if the bones of the dead shiver under the earth, but if this is true, those of the late great master Giuseppe Radaelli should now be trembling with joy to know that his glorious sabre system has now again been adopted at the Rome Fencing Master's School.
Yes, Radaelli resurgit!, and he is resurrected thanks to the approval of the new sabre treatise compiled by the talented masters Pecoraro and Pessina, the former the director and latter vice-director of said school.
This is because, with all due respect to the valiant authors, their treatise approved by the Ministry of War as the official text is only a return to the old—or, to say it better, the revindication of the Radaellian system, unjustly condemned to ostracism by the late Masaniello Parise who was appointed supreme director of the Rome Master's School in 1884.
Parise, who was undoubtedly a profound theoretician of fencing, as well as a much appreciated fencing master, having dedicated all his intelligence and care to his preferred weapon, the sword, he was neither willing nor able to also deploy the same rare talent and ability on the sabre, which had instead found in Radaelli a marvellous and unsurpassed master.
Fencers with the enviable fortune of having fewer years under their belts—lucky them!—cannot remember the long, relentless, implacable campaign waged before and after the death of poor Radaelli in order to demolish his system, which had given Italy its best and strongest fencers. It will suffice to recall of that glorious host the names Ronca, Roggia, Cavalli, Arzani, Vezzani, Pecoraro, Guasti, Giordano Rossi, Varrone, Pessina, Sartori, Barbasetti, Gallanzi, Tagliaferri, and many others, adding to these world-famous masters a pleiad of formidable amateurs of the time such as Magrini, Burba, Scansi, Sestini, Santagalli, Baldi, Santoponte, Ceccherini, Pinelli, Giurovick, etc.
So there is something to be pleased with and rejoice over in the valorous Pecoraro and Pessina, authors of the new sabre treatise, if thanks to them the Rome Master's School is officially teaching that abhorred sabre system which, like it or not, throughout the fencing world has always been considered the best.
To learn the Radaelli sabre system, revised and corrected by Pecoraro and Pessina, all civil and military masters belonging to the various institutes and corps subordinate to the Ministry of War are now called to Rome, divided into groups for a course of 15 days.
This course has already been completed by the civil masters who all have words of high praise for the clear and rational method by which professors Pecoraro and Pessina expound their treatise theoretically and practically. The masters raise a true hymn of gratitude and esteem to the commander of the Rome Master's School—who is the distinguished artillery colonel Cav. Salonna, a passionate and talented fencer as well as a fervent apostle of the Radaelli system—for the welcome he gave on their arrival at the Master's School.
At the completion of the course there was a banquet for all the masters called to Rome and the instructors of the Master's School. As a pleasant memento, Colonel Salonna wished for a group photo of all the masters attending the fraternal symposium.
E. C.4

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1 Poggio Vannucchi, I fondamenti della scherma italiana (Bologna: Coop. Tipografia Azzoguidi, 1915).
2 The full context of this operation has been helpfully summarised in Nunzio Spina, "La prima meniscectomia in Italia: storia di armi, di coraggio e di felici intuizioni," Giornale Italiano di Ortopedia e Traumatologia 34, no. 2 (June 2008): 90-96, https://old.giot.it/article/la-prima-meniscectomia-in-italia-storia-di-armi-di-coraggio-e-di-felici-intuizioni/.
3 Giorgio Pessina and Ugo Pignotti, La sciabola (Rome: Scuola Centrale dello Sport, [1972?]. For a blatant example of plagiarism, see Federico Ynglés Sellés, Tratado teórico-prático de esgrima. Segunda Parte. Sable (Toledo: Editorial Católica Toledana, 1944).
4 Egidio Candiani, "Il nuovo sistema di sciabola adottato presso la Scuola Magistrale Militare di Roma," La Stampa Sportiva, 5 November 1911, 5, https://www.byterfly.eu/islandora/object/libria:42583#page/5/mode/1up. The photo Candiani refers to at the very end was not included in the original article, but can be found in Eduardo De Simone, La Scuola Magistrale Militare di Scherma. Dalla sua fondazione in Roma a tutto l'anno 1914. Note storiche (Rome: Tipografia Editrice "Italia", 1921), 53.

30 June 2025

Radaellians Respond to Pecoraro and Pessina (Part 3)

In very early 1911, or possibly December 1910, the long critique of Pecoraro and Pessina's sabre treatise which Ferdinando Masiello had promised back in August was finally published. The length of its title, La Scherma di Sciabola: Osservazioni sul Trattato dei Maestri Pecoraro e Pessina Vice-Direttori della Scuola Magistrale militare di Scherma, portends the length of the booklet itself, totalling 161 pages (well over half the length of the treatise in question).

Click here for the full scans

The introductory sections suggest that Masiello had intended his booklet to reach a slightly wider audience of readers who, understandably, may not already be aware of the debate that had raged in the public press over the course of the previous year, but still wish to remain up-to-date with the latest developments in Italian fencing. Masiello begins by addressing Pecoraro and Pessina directly, saying that although they were all were raised under the same 'father Redaelli', from the day that the Master's School came under a hybrid and defective method, they had been divided. He asserts that he had always fought 'at the breach' for his conscience, and expects that Pecoraro and Pessina will give his opinions due respect and refute them with well-reasoned arguments if they disagree. Masiello comes very close to apologising in advance for the tone of his writing, as he openly admits that the more light-hearted remarks and jokes were to keep any less enthusiastic readers sufficiently engaged and entertained.

Turning then to the reader, Masiello provides a summary of what he considers the most important events that led up to the present debate. He states that Pecoraro and Pessina's initial announcement of their treatise in the first half of 1910 contained an element of truth when they implied that sabre fencing had by then fallen into decline. Where Masiello takes issue with this statement, however, is that the treatise authors themselves should accept much of the blame for that state of affairs. Evidence of this is in all that took place in Italian fencing following the death of Giuseppe Radaelli and the appointment of Masaniello Parise at the Master's School in 1884. This, Masiello believes, is the origin of the steady decline in Italian fencing throughout the past 25 years, as the sabre method Parise then introduced was so regressive and flawed that Giovanni Monti, who had served as Radaelli's replacement at the school's final years in Milan, supposedly 'cried like a child' after seeing a demonstration of the new method he would be forced to teach.

Pecoraro and Pessina had been complicit in teaching this defective sabre method at the Master's School for two and a half decades. Meanwhile, Masiello famously published his own treatise in 1887, which was well received throughout Italy, but Pecoraro and Pessina had consistently refused to engage with Masiello's theories, even when he gave a public demonstration of them in Rome in 1890. Despite the fact that Masiello's method was then adopted by the British army, Pecoraro publicly doubled-down in his support for Parise's method in a letter sent to the magazine Scherma Italiana in 1894, which Masiello reproduces in its entirely in the booklet's introduction.

Masiello asks the new leaders of the Master's School how they can square such a declaration of commitment, and their long career teaching Parise's system, with their own treatise, which is clearly based on Radaellian theory? The timing of this sudden conversion is also conspicuous to Masiello, given how soon after Parise's death the treatise was announced. Masiello imagines that if an afterlife existed and Radaelli and Parise were looking down on the two authors from heaven, both masters would feel betrayed and disappointed in their students. Finishing on this sombre image, Masiello then provides reproductions of the most significant newspaper articles in the debate published over the previous year by himself and Pecoraro and Pessina, all of which have been either translated or summarised in the course of this current series of articles.

The remaining 134 pages consist of Masiello's observations on the treatise itself. The critique is divided into three parts, corresponding to the three parts of Pecoraro and Pessina's treatise, with Masiello providing commentary on almost every individual section or topic found within it. If you have read my summary in Part 1 of the critique Masiello already published in La Nazione on 19 August 1910, then you will be familiar with the main arguments presented throughout this booklet. In this expanded format Masiello's semantic arguments become even more glaringly prominent, but more substantive arguments can be found regarding the preliminary exercises, the molinelli, the lunge (a whopping 12 pages' worth), the cuts, and the inquartata.

Much of the criticism presented against these techniques in particular come from the point of view that since Masiello's own treatise presented long (sometimes overly long) mechanical explanations for why his chosen method of execution is preferable, Pecoraro and Pessina should also have to provide lengthy explanations for their own choices in order for their treatise to be considered an improvement over pre-existing theory, thus justifying its publication. The 2nd and 3rd editions of Masiello's sabre treatise goes to great lengths to explain why his fully-inclined lunge is superior to one with an upright torso, and yet in Masiello's eyes Pecoraro and Pessina have disregard all of this reasoning and advocate the latter version, providing no justification for it.

When it comes to Pecoraro and Pessina's cuts, Masiello is frequently annoyed and confused at the authors' repeated use of the term 'strettissimo' to describe how the molinello movement is refined to create a smaller, faster arc which is used to give practical cuts. Masiello asserts that since the length of the wielder's sabre and forearm never change, the arc of the molinello cannot be reduced. Those familiar with Masiello's work should find such a criticism particularly confusing, as Masiello himself uses the word 'ristrettissimo' several times when describing how to apply cuts by molinello in his own treatise.1

Another point Masiello makes in this section and which reoccurs elsewhere throughout his critique is that the method of gripping the sabre as described by the authors does not permit many of the positions shown in the photographs. In Masiello's reading, the grip is described as static and unchangeable, unlike how Masiello allows the thumb to slide up and down the grip to put the blade more or less in line with the wielder's arm. This line of argumentation is somewhat reminiscent of Achille Angelini's reading of Del Frate's treatise back in the 1870s, in which Angelini disregards the illustrations and asserts that Radaelli wished the sabre to be always held fully perpendicular to the forearm.

If throughout his critique Masiello is constantly exasperated at how Pecoraro and Pessina have ignored the practical improvements of their predecessors, elsewhere he is suspicious that the authors have knowingly indulged in plagiarism. When Pecoraro and Pessina describe how to gain distance in an attack by bringing the rear foot up against the front foot before lunging, Masiello sees so much similarity with his own work that he places the two relevant sections side-by-side for the reader to compare. Elsewhere Masiello claims the authors plagiarised his terminology and phrasing in their descriptions of the cuts, and recalls that at a tournament in 1906 he gave a demonstration of what Pecoraro and Pessina call the tocchi di sciabola di passaggio to some fencing masters, Pecoraro among them, and that this must have been where the authors first found out about the technique, despite Masiello receiving no credit. Furthermore, their preliminary exercises were clearly stolen from the treatise of Nicolò Bruno, whose versions are superior anyway.2 Despite these tenuous, or even spurious, claims, the most credible accusation is in relation to the authors' section entitled 'preparatory lesson for the bout', where Masiello rightly points out the close similarities between the first three paragraphs of their work and the 1876 treatise by Settimo Del Frate.3

Skipping to Masiello's conclusion, he lists 17 items which he considers notably absent in the treatise. Directly translated, these are:

  1. Definition of fencing in general;
  2. Benefits of fencing;
  3. Harms of a false system;
  4. Force in fencing;
  5. Method of wielding the sabre;
  6. The sabre considered as a lever;
  7. Laws which govern the guard;
  8. Laws which govern the lunge;
  9. The (very important) division of the target, without which an inexperienced fencer could confuse one target with another, as happened to the authors themselves (see p. 18 of their treatise);
  10. How to perform the passage from one parry to another;
  11. Lunge by launching the left foot back;
  12. Absence of scientific proofs to contrast certain principles of theirs with those of other authors;
  13. Absence of scientific proofs to absolutely and definitively establish the pivot from which one generates the very important action (both for the sword and for the sabre) of the disengagement, which the authors prescribe sometimes to the radiocarpal joint, sometimes to the scapulohumeral joint;
  14. Absence of indications regarding how the cuts should be given, i.e. whether as hammer blows or by slicing;
  15. Absence of a psychological proof on the advantage the attacker has over the defender;
  16. Lacking the copertini;
  17. Lacking a chapter to explain some expressions used in fencing language.

If any of these seem overly specific, that is because they are all topics which Masiello himself deals with in his own treatises; clearly, he considered his own work to be far superior. He ends by noting that he had received credible reports that a commission of senior officers, appointed by the Ministry of War, had recently given a favourable verdict of Pecoraro and Pessina's treatise, and that it would likely be approved to replace Parise's sabre curriculum at the Master's School. It is this factor which Masiello asserts was the main motivating factor in writing such a detailed rebuttal of Pecoraro and Pessina's work, since whatever they write will effectively become gospel for the next generation of Italian fencers, thus they owe it to everyone to make their textbook as perfect as possible. He repeats that he considers both authors to be good friends, and hopes that his critique will be read in this light.

Following the booklet's publication, I have been unable to find any published response from Pecoraro and Pessina, but in all likelihood they did read it. Whether or not they gave due consideration Masiello's critique is certainly up for debate, but if we compare some of his remarks to the revised edition of Pecoraro and Pessina's treatise, published in 1912, we can indeed find several specific instances which strongly suggest awareness and consideration of Masiello's observations. Some are changes to particular wordings which Masiello considered confusing or misleading, such as their use of the phrase 'a piena mano' when describing the grip of the sabre. In the 1912 edition this phrase was removed and another paragraph and a half is added describing how the sabre is to be wielded in the various movements, using which parts of the upper limb.

When describing the fourth preliminary exercise in the 1910 edition, the authors make a reference to the 'cappuccio', or backstrap, of the grip. As Masiello points out, this term had not been defined anywhere in the treatise, and so it is removed in the 1912 edition, also making other improvements to the descriptions of these exercises. As for the molinelli, Pecoraro and Pessina do not do away entirely with the 'strettissimo' descriptor so despised by Masiello, but they do at least provide a better explanation of how the molinello motion can be made smaller, through a 'simple turn of the hand accompanied by a slight bending and subsequent sudden extension of the elbow.'4

With many of the more substantial changes found in the 1912 edition, such as the comprehensively rewritten preface, it is harder to attribute Masiello's influence with any certainty; nevertheless, it is not unreasonable to adduce that, despite all the semantic and sarcastic nit-picking, Pecoraro and Pessina's work was improved from the public hazing it received from Masiello.

Given all the negative impressions of Pecoraro and Pessina's treatise we have looked at so far, we ought not assume that this was the universal impression amongst all Italian fencers. It is impossible to determine how well the method was received by most in the community, but as Masiello himself notes, the system was deemed good enough to receive at least provisional approval from the Ministry of War by early 1911. Furthermore, we can find at least one supportive voice from this time who spoke up in defence of the authors and to push back against Masiello's self-righteousness.

Colonel Alberto Cavaciocchi, the commanding officer of the 60th infantry regiment, had been an avid fencer for many decades, originally learning the old Radaellian method as part of his military training before being fortunate enough to train under Masaniello Parise himself. From this point on Cavaciocchi became convinced of the superiority of Parise's method, finding the improvements brought to the Radaellian method by Masiello and his colleagues to be insufficient. This conviction was carried over to Parise's successors, Pecoraro and Pessina, when they published their own treatise which built upon not only Radaelli's foundation, but Parise's too. Feeling that Masiello's critical articles in La Nazione could not remain unanswered, Cavaciocchi took it upon himself to respond if only in his capacity as an amateur, which he did in the form of a substantial 8000-word article published in the March issue of the Rivista Militare Italiana.5

While asserting that the Neapolitan foil method had always been superior to others, Cavaciocchi does recognise the merit and achievements of Radaelli's method, particularly in its later, more refined forms. His primary critique of Radaelli's system, however, is its body carriage, specifically in the guard and the lunge. He finds the slightly rear-weight guard position and upright lunge advocated by Parise to be much more logical and effective than those prescribed by Radaelli. This naturally gives Cavaciocchi a rather favourable opinion of the new system detailed by Pecoraro and Pessina, as a clear goal of their treatise was to combine the best aspects of Radaelli and Parise's theory. Masiello, on the other hand, instead managed to amplify many of the original Radaellian flaws, with his untypically wide stance in the guard and accentuated lean in the lunge.

Instead of explicitly defending Pecoraro and Pessina's system, well over half of Cavaciocchi's article is dedicated to comparing Masiello and Parise's systems, partially to redeem the latter, but also to show the continuity of the sound theoretical foundations inherited by Pecoraro and Pessina in their own work. Cavaciocchi reveals that he himself was one of the members of the commission eluded to by Masiello which had the task of assessing and approving the new treatise for use in the army, so it stands to reason why he would feel the necessity to now defend both the authors as well as his own reputation. He ends with the hope that the teaching of fencing at the Master's School continues 'holding firm to the excellent fundamental bases established by Masaniello Parise, but without renouncing that constant and progressive perfection which human nature unceasingly aims for.'

In the final part of this series, we will hear two more Radaellian judgements on the new direction being taken by Italian sabre fencing: one decidedly negative and the other refreshingly positive and hopeful.


*******

1 Examples can be found on pages 78, 79, 90, 118, 120 of Ferdinando Masiello, La scherma di sciabola (Florence: R. Bemporad, 1902).
2 Cf. Nicolò Bruno, Risorgimento della vera scherma di sciabola italiana basata sull'oscillazione del pendolo (Novaraç Tipografia Novarese, 1891), 63–8.
3 Cf. Settimo Del Frate, Istruzione per la scherma di sciabola e di spada del Prof. Giuseppe Radaelli scritta d'ordine del ministero della guerra (Milan: Gaetano Baroffio, 1876), 26.
4 Salvatore Pecoraro and Carlo Pessina, La Scherma di Sciabola: Trattato Teorico-Pratico (Viterbo: G. Agnesotti, 1912), 53.
5 Alberto Cavaciocchi, "Sui metodi di scherma per l'esercito," Rivista Militare Italiana 56, no. 3 (16 March 1911): 611–34.

10 June 2025

Radaellians Respond to Pecoraro and Pessina (Part 2)

In the immediate aftermath of Masiello's last article, in which Pecoraro and Pessina received an occasionally warranted harsh assessment of their sabre treatise, no response from the authors was forthcoming. In the meantime, another grizzled Radaellian veteran, Giovanni Pagliuca, took up the pen to provide their own nit-picky and often sarcastic impressions of Pecoraro and Pessina's method. Pagliuca's first appearance in the public press was in 1880, when he published a booklet criticising Radaelli's foil curriculum, which he had learnt at the Milan Master's School in 1876. Aside from that single publication, Pagliuca had shied away from the partisan debates of the 1880s and 90s, being best known as a stellar representative of the Enrichetti school of foil, but occasionally also considered among the old-school Radaellians.1 In the twilight of his career, Pagliuca resoundingly removes any doubt over his allegiance to Radaelli's theories in his unforgiving review of Pecoraro and Pessina's treatise, which appear in La Nazione of Florence on 7 October 1910.

After my renowned friend and colleague Ferdinando Masiello reviewed the pages of the sabre pseudo-treatise by the gentlemen Pecoraro and Pessina so well, it would seem that nothing else could be said regarding this treatise, so many and innumerable indeed were the flaws found within.
Yet from a less salient but perhaps more practical point of view than that of my friend Masiello, I will try to lay bare all the harm that the theories of the two aforementioned authors would do to the art of fencing if, unfortunately, they found some followers among the innocent beginners of the practice.
First of all, a declaration: when the publication of the treatise in question—the work of Pecoraro and Pessina—was announced, I immediately thought that the theories discussed in it would have neither scientific basis nor proof.
Masiello wrongly reproaches this deficiency, because he himself and everyone knows that the aforementioned authors were unable to do so. I rather expected, along strict, simple, and perhaps primitive lines, a theoretical exposition of what they have carried out very well, indeed excellently, for about forty years: beautiful practice. But unfortunately even this they were unable to do. Overcome by the obsession of wanting to be authors at any cost, to appear original, even at the risk of bordering on ridicule, they have even forgotten essential principles which do not change, but mould to the evolution of the art, principles which they repeated—and here it must be said by ear—millions of times to their pupils at the Master's School. Thus they have defined speed as a movement, measure as an intuition, tempo (keeping in mind that tempo is almost everything in fencing) as 'the moment the fencer chooses', without reflecting that the moment chosen by the fencer cannot be the tempo: this in the 'artistic sense', as the authors say, 'is the propitious moment for the execution of an action', which is something totally different.
But in the fencing treatise the word tempo has become a myth at the complete discretion of the authors. They toss it around like a toy, to the point of writing on page 60, note 1: 'Since the direct thrust is one of the simple actions, it is necessary, in its execution, for a rapid and coordinated combination of the individual movements and such timing as to overcome, with its simplicity, the opponent's potential defence.'
Timing that overcomes with its simplicity...?! Well, I do not understand that at all. How impressed I was, indeed I was alarmed to discover on page 190 that there is 'GREAT timing'. I hope that the authors also wish to publish something else which announces and explains to the fencing world what medium and small timing are.
And now to the most interesting subject, which demonstrates how the treatise in question can actually bring the art to ruin rather than facilitate its progress.
Since a book which deals with fencing can make itself useful even in small proportions, it is necessary that in such proportions there is an advantage over preceding authors to assist the practice all the more so, facilitating it with suitable simplification. Pecoraro and Pessina's book instead aims at precisely the opposite goal, that is to get even the few connoisseurs of fencing that still exist to avoid those possible complications, those incomprehensible and, even worse, absolutely impracticable prolixities which they wish to introduce 'for artistic finesse' (sic) to the practice of sabre fencing.
Can you imagine a sabre fencer who attempts a circular feint by forced glide with a feint? Or a fencer who amuses himself by melting the air with parries in the opposite direction while his opponent dispenses a powerful descending cut to the head and a strong traversone?
Moreover, the first and indispensable quality of a fencing book which aspires to call itself a treatise is that of presenting the definitions in the clearest and simplest form and at the same time the most synthetic, the most exact, and the most rational form.
Do you want some examples of the precise definitions contained within the book in question?
'The jump back serves to gain a lot of ground' (page 24). Since when one takes a step forward, one loses ground—understood?
'When, in order to defend oneself from the opponents blows, one performs with the sabre a rapid movement aimed at avoiding them, (!) one is said in a fencing sense to have completed a parry' (page 32).
So, the parry avoids a blow; it does not oppose the blow, as every fencer in the world has repeated until now and as the same authors of the ever under-appreciated book have always performed in practice. Yes, a blow can be avoided, but not 'with a rapid movement of the sabre', but with a rapid movement of the body.
Continuing: 'Half-counter parries are those through which it is necessary for the sabre to cover half the path' (page 74). They could at least have added 'of our life'.2
Consequently, dear readers, throw a sabre into the air: when it has reached the halfway point of what it can travel, it will have performed a half-counter parry.
But interrupting ourselves on the topic of definitions—an enormous amount of space would be needed, and we would bore readers too much—I must confess with full sincerity that I did learn something new from Pecoraro and Pessina's book, and with my 63 years of age I will nevertheless try to put it into practice, as it seems to be the most practical thing in fencing and within reach of any person young or old, like me, to immediately finish off any opponent.
I learnt that one imprisons the opposing sabre (pages 105 and following).
So from today onwards I will come on guard with good custody, into which I will immediately introduce my opponent's sabre, locking it up. Except then launching at that poor wretch, who has let their sabre be imprisoned, a good number of flat hits on the meatiest parts of their body.
Finally, irony aside, it can safely be asserted that the book by the aforementioned gentlemen, more than a work of fencing, has resulted in a work of comedy, capable of giving an hour of good humour to anyone who wishes to enjoy looking through it, and nothing more.
As Giuseppe Radaelli, the creator of sabre fencing in Italy, was unable to write the treatise of his theories himself, he was obliged to turn to Captain Del Frate; but he had the frankness to declare it, explicitly publishing in the title:
'The sabre fencing of Giuseppe Radaelli written by Captain Del Frate'.
While the same frankness did not guide the two renowned masters Pecoraro and Pessina, in their defence we should not convince ourselves that everything contained in the book was developed independently of their ability to understand it.
I end with a new declaration: as an old master and old artist of arms I could not help but protest against a book which is the negation of the art of fencing.
If, in pointing out the enormous faults of this book, I was forced to implicate the authors' responsibility, I will not cease harbouring for them, as artists and executors, the greatest respect. And it is through this respect, through the sincere esteem that I have always had in their fencing ability, that I regret the vain ambition that induced them to write a treatise, an ambition which certainly throws them—in their quality as vice-directors of the Military Fencing Master's School—from the lofty pedestal which they had created for themselves with their undisputed practical ability.

Maestro GIOVANNI PAGLIUCA
Via della Croce, 34 — Rome

If we peel away Pagliuca's witty and casual writing style, it becomes apparent that many of his issues with Pecoraro and Pessina's treatise stem from their poor choice of words and unrefined definitions, something which we have seen Masiello point out already. Any criticism of the technical material itself and the overarching method is certainly lacking in Pagliuca's case, but slightly better in Masiello's. Pecoraro and Pessina seem to have had a similar reading of both Masiello and Pagliuca's articles, as is evidenced in their eventual response to their critics on 23 October in Rome's Giornale d'Italia.

Dear Mr. Director,

Since publishing the sabre fencing treatise of which we, Salvatore Pecoraro and Carlo Pessina, are the authors, if there has been no lack of praise from many quarters, especially in private and authoritative letters, from some individuals we were not spared censure. And we would not lament this if the censures had always been proportionate and had not revealed, in the fury of critique, something other than a pure love of the art. In any case, we will not let this distract us from serenely following our path; but we will limit ourselves to a few words in legitimate defence. 
It was our precise intention to collect in our treatise what the experience of a not inglorious artistic career had taught us. To this end, we freely jotted down our thoughts as they flowed from the pen, without any literary pretence and with the conviction that, above all, true fencers would have considered the substance. We were instead deceived, since our detractors—particularly Ferdinando Masiello and Giovanni Pagliuca—met to attack us primarily for literary form, stating with regard to substance only criticisms which, if they express an individual judgement of theirs, have a very relative value that is based on poor familiarity with the special weapon, to which we instead have given and will give all our activity as people and as fencers.
This being the case, while it will not be difficult for us to eliminate in a second edition of our treatise those flaws of a literary nature which our opposers have been pleased to highlight in a noble sentiment of fencing fraternity, we will have the opportunity to better illuminate the quality of our method's substance, which we are not at all disposed to compromise on, and which we are always ready to give a practical demonstration of.
We will declare, however, that any cross-examination of an artistic nature will be accepted by us with those connoisseurs who have deeply studied and taught the noble art of the sabre, achieving practical, and not just theoretical, results.
Because among those who have always studied and sought the progress of sabre fencing, dedicating to it all their physical and intellectual energy, because they considered this art truly sovereign, and those who instead, even setting themselves up as the god almighty of fencing, have defined it as the art of butchering, and, naturally, cannot boast of a single product worthy of remembering, they will serenely judge the true fencers.
SALVATORE PECORARO
CARLO PESSINA3

It is noteworthy that in this brief defence the authors are already talking of a revised second edition to correct the errors of the work's 'literary form', thus accepting at least in part the criticism that Masiello and Pagliuca have directed at them. However, their dismissal of other aspects of the criticism as well as their reference to some self-proclaimed 'god almighty of fencing', aside from being unsatisfying as a response, may have also struck Masiello as a veiled personal attack on him. Therefore on 27 October yet another letter bearing his name appeared in the pages La Nazione.4

In this reply Masiello is quick to assert that his own well-reasoned observations were unfairly lumped together with all the other critics, and in doing so they had overlooked all his observations of substance in order to focus on those relating to form. He admits that he did repeatedly highlight their substandard grammar, but he considers the problems with their definitions to be far more important than they are willing to acknowledge. Pecoraro and Pessina's accusation that Masiello possessed 'poor familiarity' with the sabre is one which Masiello was unable to go unanswered, as he asserts that his tireless advocacy for sabre fencing was by then indisputable. Aside from his 1887 treatise as proof of the quality of his studies, he refers to a well-received public demonstration of his sabre method that he gave in Rome in 1890, which Pecoraro and Pessina curiously did not attend, as well as the fact that he personally went to London to organise the British army's fencing programme at Aldershot in the 1890s.

As to their own practical results from their teaching at the Master's School, Masiello does not consider this enough to make somebody a good author, nor are one's competitive accomplishments sufficient to demonstrate the quality of a fencing system. Masiello is slightly comforted, however, that the two authors are already proposing a revised and corrected second edition of the treatise, for which he hopes his own observations might serve some use to them. Just as Pecoraro and Pessina had asked their detractors to withhold judgement on their treatise before reading it, Masiello now asks them to wait for his imminent publication, in which he will expand upon all his gripes and grievances regarding their method. Through this more detailed response, Masiello hopes that they might reconsider their view of him as being simply a 'detractor' and take his observations to heart for the benefit of their method, and not simply in a literary sense.

In the next post we will be focusing on this long-awaited, expansive critique from Masiello.


*******

1 For more biographical information on Pagliuca, see Sebastian Seager, "Radaelli Under Fire: Giovanni Pagliuca," Radaellian Scholar (blog), 18 April 2023, https://radaellianscholar.blogspot.com/2023/04/radaelli-under-fire-giovanni-pagliuca.html.
2 Translator's Note: This tongue-in-cheek remark is a reference to the opening line of Dante Alighieri's Divine Comedy: 'Midway upon the journey of our life ...'.
3 Reproduced in Ferdinando Masiello, La Scherma di Sciabola: osservazioni sul Trattato dei Maestri Pecoraro e Pessina Vice-Direttori della Scuola Magistrale militare di Scherma (Florence: G. Ramella, 1910), 23–4
4 Ferdinando Masiello, "Polemiche schermistiche: Una lettera del M.° Masiello," La Nazione, 27 October 1910, 2.

25 May 2025

Radaellians Respond to Pecoraro and Pessina (Part 1)

Having exposed and discussed the differences between the two editions of Pecoraro and Pessina's sabre treatise in the previous post, we can now turn our attention to what the public debate around the treatise was like before and after the publication of the first edition. The digital availability of Italian newspapers leaves a lot to be desired at present, thus it is not feasible to capture the full scope of discussion taking place in the public press; however, thankfully for us, Ferdinando Masiello took this debate rather seriously and reproduced several of his own articles and the authors' replies in his 1910 booklet of commentary on the treatise (the main subject of a later post), which we will avail ourselves of here.

The saga begins in April 1910 when Masiello received two letters from Pecoraro and Pessina announcing the imminent publication of their new sabre treatise:

Dear Colleague,

So that sabre fencing may be held in the regard it deserves and so that the diversity of methods and views do not hinder it or retard its gradual improvement, we have decided to compile a theoretical-practical treatise, which will bear the title:

Sabre Fencing

and will be published by the publishing house Giuseppe Romagna of Rome.
With this we do not intend to make a vain display of theories or untimely rhetoric, nor do we attempt speculation of a commercial nature, but we aim to bring the modest contribution of our experience for the complete triumph of the art which has constituted the ideal and the sole aspiration of our whole life.
To better achieve our aim, we count not only on your kind assent—of which we do not doubt—but also on that of your friends who are sincerely devoted to our art.
S. Pecoraro - C. Pessina

***

Dear Colleague,

We confirm to you what we already said in the published circular which you will now certainly have received regarding the publication of our theoretical-practical treatise: 'Sabre Fencing'.
We will be grateful if, for the triumph and perfecting of the art so dear to us, you will assist us in the aim of unifying the various pre-existing systems and methods.
We also hope that, in time, that is to say after having examined the treatise, you will us give your sincere and impartial opinion on it.
Thanking you for everything, we are glad to reaffirm ourselves as,
Your dear colleagues
S. Pecoraro - C. Pessina1

Rather than waiting patiently until read the book was published, Masiello immediately penned a harsh response to the aspiring authors, which first appeared in the Roman newspaper La Tribuna on 1 May 1910 and then in Florence's La Nazione on 3 May.2 Masiello begins by reminding readers that he is someone who has been fighting for  his views in the public sphere since 1876, and that as a result of his tireless efforts he has produced a well-regarded treatise of his own and seen his method be officially adopted in the British and German armies. He had spent his entire public career 'glorifying' Radaelli and fighting against both 'Enrichetti, my master' and Masaniello Parise purely for the sake of the art, not personal interest. In contrast, Pecoraro and Pessina had instead spent the last 20+ years supporting Parise and training young fencing masters in accordance with Parise's method. He is therefore unable to conceal his sense of 'pained astonishment' on reading their announcement where they call on Masiello specifically to assist them in 'unifying the various pre-existing systems'.

Masiello clearly feels a sense of betrayal, as he feels that Pecoraro and Pessina have abused their high positions in the Master's School to push their own theories and deny recognition to those such as Masiello who have achieved so much outside of official Italian spheres. If their work were simply a compilation of the best Italian sabre had to offer, then why had Masiello and his colleagues not been asked by the Ministry of War or even the nascent Italian Fencing Federation (founded only one year prior) to contribute to this new method, even anonymously? If the work were not in fact a simple compilation, then that would mean Pecoraro and Pessina were attempting to impose their original work on the country's fencers; yet would provide no benefit to Italian fencing, because thanks to the labours of Masiello and his colleagues, 'nothing truly new, nothing truly useful and rational, and therefore nothing substantially practical and combative can now be added'.

If the authors intend to follow 'pure Radaellian theories', then this would simply be a return to the outdated theories of 30 years prior, thus negating all subsequent developments; if they were to follow the theories of Parise, then their method would be immediately ostracised as fundamentally flawed, just as Parise's was. A middle road between these two paths would also be impossible, because they are too contradictory on a fundamental level. After all this speculation, Masiello unsurprisingly did not have high hopes for the new treatise, but he now had no choice but to sit and wait for its publication.

In the meantime, Pecoraro and Pessina chose to respond to Masiello's hasty judgement and provide some clarification to hopefully temper attitudes and preconceptions prior to the book's publication. On 4 May in La Tribuna the two authors address Masiello directly and assure him that they have not simply resorted to republishing outdated Radaellian theories, but have followed the inevitable evolution and development that the field has since experienced. They also claim to have no pretence of creating an original work, because just like Masiello himself, they are only building on what has been written by those who came before. This does not mean, however, that their book is a 'simple compilation', because they are convinced that they have presented some ideas not yet contemplated in Masiello's work, and that the era they are writing in marks a new phase of fencing's evolution. So, in their own view, their treatise has 'no originality, but only improvement, which brings us closer to a relative perfection, in the belief that, strictly speaking, absolute perfection is never achievable.' They again ask for readers to withhold further judgement until the book is released.

Masiello granted them at least this wish, since it was only after the book was published a few months later that he gave his response, in the form of a lengthy review of the work. The article occupied more than half a page (just over three of the page's six columns) of La Nazione on 19 August, which indicates the respect the newspaper's editors must have had for Masiello and how important the topic was among some sections of Italy's literate public. Given his negative preconceptions prior to the treatise's publication, it should be unsurprising that after a thorough reading Masiello found within it 'nothing truly useful, substantially new and practical which has not already been said'. So extensive was his criticism that he admitted being already in the process of writing a standalone booklet which will go into greater detail on all the treatise's flaws and omissions. Thus his article in La Nazione should only be considered a summary of his full thoughts.

Thankfully for everyone, Masiello decided in his critique to overlook the 'many inaccuracies of language which, together with a true deluge of commas, render the reader asthmatic, and often obscure the author's intentions for those who are not well acquainted with the material.' This still left plenty for Masiello to remark on of course, with a particular bugbear being the authors' definitions, which he finds to be either poorly stated when they are not absent entirely. For one example, Pecoraro and Pessina chose to use the phrase 'in the full hand' to describe their method of gripping the sabre (a phrase also used by Settimo Del Frate in his 1868 book which later proved to be controversial), which by all appearances was likely intended to be the standard Radaellian method. Other instances of poor or imprecise language maligned by Masiello are the authors' use of non-metric units such as dita, palmi, and piedi, or their description of the sabre blade as 'slightly curved'. The fact that the authors would prescribe something as old-fashioned as a curved blade was itself a sin to Masiello (apparently even the army had ceased using curved blades), but they could at least have been precise in what an appropriate amount of curvature should be!

In instances where the authors are more precise, even then their decisions are questionable. Masiello finds it absurd that the lunge is discretely described as extending the foot 40 cm from the guard position, which surely cannot apply to both children and adults. The authors state that there are five invitations and that same number of engagements, yet simultaneously they add that low 3rd and low 4th can be performed as invitations, so would that not mean there are in fact seven engagements and invitations? Masiello's nit-picking extends to the terminology introduced for various techniques, such as the authors replacing the term 'coupé' with the nebulous 'fendente' or their referring to the thrust as a 'colpo di punta'. Nor could they even be consistent with this terminology, such as their many different phrases throughout the book (Masiello counts at least five) to refer to the 'azioni circolate di punta', which are themselves never defined very well. Masiello wonders why the authors did not simply use his well-thought-out terminology rather than their own inconsistent and imprecise versions.

Aside from just word choice, Masiello still finds much to criticise in the more technical details. Pecoraro and Pessina's first innovation, the preliminary exercises, are only detrimental for students, claims Masiello, as they habituate them to move the sabre without any coordination with the body, a key feature of the traditional Radaellian exercise molinelli. Although he admits that movements very similar to Pecoraro and Pessina's preliminary exercises are very commonly done by Italian fencers prior to bouts, just as a singer does vocal exercises before a performance, such warm-ups have no place in a formal fencing course. He also points out the close similarity to exercises first proposed by Nicolò Bruno in his 1891 treatise (where they are called 'flexion exercises'), perhaps implying a degree of plagiarism.

A more obvious appropriation by the authors is the inclusion of what they call 'parries in the opposite direction' from what Masiello calls the 'old Radaellian school' (which Del Frate simply designated 'counter parries'). This is clear evidence of their poor judgement, as these parries had supposedly been 'discarded' by other Radaellians by then. As for perceptible elements of Parise's system, Masiello recalls that the 'fili sottomessi' (forced glides) described by the authors were jokingly referred to as 'fili compromessi' (compromising glides) when they were first introduced by Parise, due to them being so dangerous for the one attempting them. Parise was at least lucid enough to only include them in his foil material, while Pecoraro and Pessina inexplicably consider them perfectly serviceable in sabre fencing too. The same could be said for their inclusions of the contrazione and the inquartata, which Masiello points out are lacking in the vast majority of Italian sabre treatises released up to that point, clearly indicating their unsuitability. Masiello assumes that these (supposedly ill-advised) inclusions are what the authors were referring to when they claimed in their May article that the treatise contained some ideas and views 'not contemplated' in Masiello's work. Masiello asserts that the reason he did not include such techniques was not because he never considered them, but because his judgement and experience showed that they were altogether unsuitable for sabre fencing, judgement which Pecoraro and Pessina do not seem to possess themselves.

At several points in his critique Masiello compares his own publications with that of Pecoraro and Pessina to emphasise that they have not improved on what has already been written. One example Masiello points to is the lengthy justification provided in the 2nd and 3rd editions of his sabre treatise for why a fully-inclined lunge is to be preferred over the fully upright posture adopted by Pecoraro and Pessina, for which they provide no explanation. Masiello also gives a list of ten concepts which are not explained in any significant detail, such as the method of wielding the sabre, its mechanics when considered as a lever, nor whether the cuts should be done by slicing (as per Parise) or as hammer blows (Radaelli). These are, of course, all things which Masiello asserts to have expounded on in great detail in his own work.

Although Masiello cannot completely refute the assertion made by Pecoraro and Pessina in their article from La Tribuna that even his treatise did not reveal anything truly original in the field of fencing, in his concluding remarks he maintains that he at least replaced 'baroque empiricism' with rational rules, using physical, anatomical, and physiological reasoning. This, in his eyes, was at least an original approach, and for the past 25 years nobody had been able to incontrovertibly invalidate any of his conclusions, even if many did disagree with them. Pecoraro and Pessina, on the other hand, have not evolved the field, only retrodden old paths and committed the errors of previous authors, while adding their own new errors.

Masiello expresses great doubt in the stated aim of the publication. If the treatise were to be adopted by the Master's School, not only would it worsen the confusion around sabre fencing that supposedly already exists in the army, but it would also be an insult to those who were ranked below Parise in the government's infamous fencing treatise competition of 1882 and 1883. That is, the last time a fencing treatise was officially adopted by the Italian military, it ostensibly underwent a process which placed it in contrast with works submitted from around the country. In mentioning this event, Masiello assures he cannot be accused of self-interest, since, as he claims, he never submitted a work of his own to that competition.

When looking past the rather nit-picky character that Masiello's critique often assumes, one must note how his remarks could just as easily be aimed at other Radaellian authors who had published works prior to 1910. Many of the elements Masiello was critical of in Pecoraro and Pessina's treatise, such as their inclusion of the 'parries in the opposite direction', the upright lunge, imprecise terminology, brief definitions, and so on, can all be found in the treatises of Giordano Rossi, Nicolò Bruno, and Luigi Barbasetti, yet he never took such a strong public position to denounce these perceived flaws. Despite the fact that these authors had all published their works over a decade ago, the main reason Pecoraro and Pessina received such a harsh reaction from Masiello was likely due to their positions as vice-directors of the most authoritative institution in Italian fencing, the Military Fencing Master's School in Rome. The stakes were simply too high for Masiello to remain silent.

In part 2 we will read criticism from another Radaellian, Giovanni Pagliuca, as well as hear how Pecoraro and Pessina were reacting to the lively debate around their work.


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1 Reproduced in Ferdinando Masiello, La Scherma di Sciabola: osservazioni sul Trattato dei Maestri Pecoraro e Pessina Vice-Direttori della Scuola Magistrale militare di Scherma (Florence: G. Ramella, 1910), 17–8.
2 The full article was also reproduced in Masiello, op. cit., 18–20.

27 April 2025

Comparing editions: Pecoraro & Pessina 1910 vs. 1912

The year 1910 is a pivotal one in the history of Radaellian fencing. For starters, less than a month into the year came the untimely death of arch-rival of the Radaellians, Masaniello Parise, aged only 59, which no doubt many Radaellians were hoping would provide an opportunity for the Rome Fencing Master's School to take on a new, non-Neapolitan direction. Four months later the vice-directors of the school, Salvatore Pecoraro and Carlo Pessina, announced their intention to publish a sabre treatise of their own, one which supposedly took into account the 'diversity of methods and views' followed in Italy at the time.1 The book hit the shelves by August, a very respectable turn-around for a 255-page book.

Click *here* to view the 1910 edition and *here* for the 1912 edition.

The methodological foundation of Pecoraro and Pessina's work is undoubtedly Radaellian, even with their own additions and modifications which make them stand out from their contemporaries, which I have summarised previously. Nevertheless, their publication was subject to quite severe criticism from some of their Radaellian colleagues, in particular the formidable Ferdinando Masiello, who only a few months later published a 160-page book lambasting the treatise almost page-by-page.2 The criticism clearly had an effect on the authors, as two years later they saw fit to publish a revised version (without ever labelling it as such). This must have been a sufficient enough improvement in the eyes of Masiello, as a decade later his judgement had noticeably tempered, deeming the second edition 'coherent and worthy of consideration'.3 I have compiled the following document which highlights the extent of the changes between the 1910 and 1912 editions of Pecoraro and Pessina's work.

*** Two-edition comparison ***

The vast majority of these changes will likely seem of little significance to modern readers, and indeed many are on an individual level. The single most profound and obvious difference between the editions lies in the preface, which was completely rewritten for the 1912 edition. To give a full appreciation of this, I have translated both of these prefaces below, starting with the original 1910 preface:

If Italian fencing, over a considerable period of time, and with heavy sacrifices, has finally been able to seat itself, a magnificent victor, on the glowing chariot of victory, this is in large part owed to sabre fencing.
However, as unfortunately happens in all human affairs, rather than raising a hymn to the shining steel which has managed to reap laurel branches in the most important tournaments and sought the perfection of the noble art in the unification of views and artistic principles, its importance has instead diminished, whether through the daily unveiling of new and always different systems, or with the acclamation, as almost everyone does, of foil and épée, to the detriment of the primacy which the sabre has been able to conquer for us.
It is very true that the foil and the épée offer considerable difficulties, both in the target area and in the execution of restricted movements, but one should not overlook the difference between the old and the modern method of fencing with the sabre.
One used to be forced to use protection for the legs, chest, thighs, and so on in order to not emerge from a bout in a battered state, while today, through the carriage and gradual balancing of the blade, the movements are performed almost with the lightness of embroidery, and with the same ease with which one performs wide movements, one performs those actions with the point which are characteristic of foil and épée.
One may therefore declare that the perfection of sabre fencing would implicitly mean the perfection of foil and épée, just as, by axiomatic truth, the whole comprises its parts.
Then why call the foil and the épée chivalric weapons par excellence, when the sabre belongs to the soldier, to whom the spirit of the knight, more than others, is suited?
What use would it serve if it were not used properly?
Fencing in general, and sabre fencing in particular, from the beginning of the century until to today has experienced the beneficial effects of a certain improvement, brought about on the basis of the different mechanical theories of the various pre-existing methods, but it is the task of those who harbour a lively and sincere affection for the noble art to perfect sabre fencing, considering that, in our opinion, it presents greater difficulties than foil and épée.
And since we have the full and profound conviction that, with respect to fencing, there are no absolutes, we have based ourselves on the relativity of execution of the various movements which make up the necessary whole of fencing.
We aim, therefore, for the unification of the various principles of different systems which, if on the one hand has practical importance for the perfection of our art, on the other will have the effect that, without distinction of regions or views, it may be fully called Italian fencing.


And here is the 1912 version:

In the first edition of this treatise we did not mention clearly enough the fundamental principles of our sabre method, believing that they would emerge by reading the first chapters, and perhaps this was the reason why the criticism was essentially limited to emphasising issues of pure form, in part acceptable and which we do not disdain to take to heart in this edition.
Here we offer, also for the suitable guidance of the reader, to express in a clear manner the principles our text is founded on and the aim which we have set ourselves in its publication.
Until now sabre fencing has been taught with different methods. There were those who based their system exclusively on wrist movements, thus creating an artificial, unnatural method; others, also keeping the system based on wrist movements, managed to improve its mechanics.
Redaelli was the one who understood the error of the aforementioned systems, and with a method based on forearm movements he came closer to the natural system of fencing with that weapon and had, in fact, results of an undoubtable superiority over the others.
Experience, however, has proven that all the fencers coming from the above-mentioned schools in practice carry out sabre fencing in a singular manner which is the most natural of all, and essentially consists of the Redaelli method combined with wrist movements rationally performed and always accompanied by the forearm.
But every fencer could not help but feel the effects of the received school and therefore frequently fall into the same errors: the Redaellians tended towards exaggeratedly wide and violent movements, those of the Parise school instead used movements that were tight in the wrist but wide with the point, with cuts not appropriately extended; meanwhile, most ended up adopting, with experience, a single system of fencing which is commonly called mixed.
Our treatise has the aim of ordering this mixed system and bringing it to its maximum perfection, making actions with the point as easily as those with the edge, adding actions never yet considered, however natural they are in sabre fencing, basing the system of execution on the naturalness and spontaneity of the movements.
Then with a series of preliminary exercises never before dictated, in those terms and in those lines, by any author, one will be able to achieve greater finesse and confidence in the mechanical execution of the various actions, a blade carriage which is not otherwise possible to obtain.
Thus our treatise, while for body carriage it is closer to what was masterfully dictated by Masaniello Parise, for blade carriage and the parries it is closer to Redaelli, in that the movements are performed essentially with the forearm but are based on a greater spontaneity and naturalness of execution.
This method of fencing—already generally known, as was said, in its broad outlines and with the improvements we have introduced—we hope will lead to the unification of the various systems, which will contribute to the development of this noble art.
The most immediately obvious difference in the 1912 version should be the repeated mention of Radaelli's method. While the original preface only refers vaguely to the aim of their method being 'the unification of the various principles of different systems', the updated edition makes it clear where their inspirations derive from, that being primarily Radaelli's foundation along with Parise's body carriage. The apologetic tone of the 1912 preface shows that they understood why a critical eye may have perceived the lack of credit to their masters in the original version as an attempt to pass off their method as something new and original. In the new preface they make it clear that their observations of Italian fencing at the time were that most people were already following a 'mixed' method similar to their own, and that the treatise was mainly an attempt at systematising this practical reality. The reference to their preliminary exercises as being 'never before dictated' in the same exact terms is likely a direct response to one of the many criticisms levelled by Masiello, who accused the two authors of copying Nicolò Bruno's 1891 work, which includes several elementary blade movement exercises that bear some resemblance to Pecoraro and Pessina's.4

Another obvious contrast between the two prefaces is the bemoaning in the 1910 version of the waning popularity of sabre fencing in favour of foil and épée, which was a common view among the older generation of Italian fencers at the time, particularly with regard to épée.5 The 1912 preface instead makes no allusions to a perceived decline of sabre fencing compared to the other disciplines. Along with the other changes mentioned, the overall result is that the latter edition takes on a much more positive, forward-looking attitude that does a much better job at setting readers' expectations of the rest of the material.

Looking beyond the preface, we find significantly expanded and revised explanations given to the section on the balance of the sabre, the explanation of how to grip the sabre, the introduction to the preliminary exercises (which goes from 135 words in the 1910 edition to 785 words in the 1912), and advice for bouting. Some material from the 1910 edition is simply rearranged within the book, such as the sections on invitations and the counter parries, while some were removed entirely. The blade transport in 1st is nowhere to be found in the updated edition, and the separate descriptions for the beat from each individual engagement is reduced to a single paragraph of general advice. Two completely new sections were added to the 1912 edition: a short section on beats followed by feints, and a full page of advice for actions to prefer in a duel.

On a much more general level, it is very easy to see an improvement in the general grammatical clarity of the writing in the 1912 edition. The first edition suffered greatly from poor copy editing, the authors being guilty of a serious overuse of commas and run-on sentences. Due to the sheer volume of these occurrences it was impractical to show this in my two-edition comparison, but is a single example taken from the section on the 'line of offence', translated literally to demonstrate the improvement in clarity made throughout the second edition:

1910 edition 1912 edition
It is called the line of offence, whenever the point of the sabre is found in a straight line with the chest, or with the flank, of the opponent, preventing the attack, without moving the blade.
The line of offence refers to that in which the point of the sabre is found in the direction of the opponent's chest or flank, in the natural act of threatening.

Individually these improvements may not mean much to readers today, but the awkward phrasing found throughout the 1910 edition could very easily have affected the perception of the authors at the time of publication. If the fencing masters were unable to convey their ideas well through text, it would be easy to accuse them of also being unable to teach these concepts to their students, whom the Ministry of War wished to portray as the best and brightest in all of Italy. It is unsurprising then that for the updated edition they shunned the publisher of the original edition, Giuseppe Romagna of Rome, instead employing G. Agnesotti of Viterbo in 1912. It is in this revised and greatly improved form that Salvatore Pecoraro and Carlo Pessina's treatise would be most widely read. Although the Master's School was closed in 1914 as part of the Italian government's war preparations, when it was finally re-opened in 1926 Pecoraro and Pessina's works on both sabre and épée were again used as the official textbooks, which were republished for the sole use of the school's students (although this time both books were only credited to Pessina).6

In the next few posts we will take a closer look at some of the initial reactions to the publication of Pecoraro and Pessina's treatise, which will, among other things, provide more context around why the authors felt pressured to revise their work so soon after publication, as well as help to identify the specific critiques behind individual changes.

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1 The announcement is reproduced in Ferdinando Masiello, La Scherma di Sciabola: osservazioni sul Trattato dei Maestri Pecoraro e Pessina Vice-Direttori della Scuola Magistrale militare di Scherma (Florence: G. Ramella, 1910), 17–8.
2 Ibid.
3 Ferdinando Masiello, "L'insegnamento della Scherma in Italia," La Scherma Italiana: Giornale degli schermidori, 2 September 1923. Translation available here.
4 Masiello, La Scherma di Sciabola: osservazioni sul Trattato dei Maestri Pecoraro e Pessina, 45. For Bruno's blade exercises, see Scherma di sciabola: risorgiento della vera scherma di sciabola italiana basata sull'oscillazione del Pendolo (Novara: Tipografia Novarese, 1891), 63–5.
5 . To give just a few examples: Agostino Arista, "Coltiviamo la sciabola," La Gazzetta dello Sport, 2 February 1907, 3; Vittorio Sartori, "Decadenza dell'arte delle armi," La Gazzetta dello Sport, 11 October 1907, 4; Giovanni Franceschinis, "Schermisti italiani, ritornate alla sciabola!!," La Scherma Italiana, 28 February 1914, 25–6.
6 Carlo Pessina, Scherma di Sciabola: trattato teorico pratico (per uso esclusivo della Scuola e fuori commercio) (Civitavecchia: Prem. Stab. Tip. Moderno, 1927); Scherma di Spada (Civitavecchia: Prem. Stab. Tip. Moderno, 1927).

25 March 2025

Mangiarotti on the Italian épée

If you have any preconceptions of what an Italian épée looks like, the first picture that probably comes to mind is the type with a crossguard, which was invented by Agesilao and Aurelio Greco at the beginning of the 20th century and subsequently came to be known either as the Greco or 'Italian' model épée.1 Despite what this national designation would suggest, by the time Italy developed a mature and competitive épée fencing scene, the Greco model was not the go-to grip for the majority of Italian fencers.

The top example is the original Greco épée design, while the bottom is a later model with a canted grip and rotated quillons to allow a more comfortable grip.

While it would be difficult to argue that the Greco brothers did not play a significant role in popularising épée in Italy at the start of the 20th century, the same cannot be said in the period following the First World War, when the national scene became thoroughly dominated by a younger cohort of masters from northern Italy, chiefly Luigi Colombetti, Francesco Visconti, and Giuseppe Mangiarotti. As Greco became more and more detached from the international scene and lost relevance even within his own country, he nevertheless remained a vocal critic of the Italian competitive scene, with a constant point of contention being the popularity among his compatriots of the French grip instead of his beloved 'Italian' model épée.

The article translated below was published on 24 April 1941 in the Italian Fencing Federation's official magazine, then bearing the uninspiring title of Bollettino di Informazioni della Federazione Italiana di Scherma, and was written by the foremost member of the new guard of Italian épée fencing, Giuseppe Mangiarotti. Although he never mentions his opponents, the so-called 'theoreticians by profession', by name, it would have been clear to most readers at the time who Mangiarotti had in mind. He emphasises the results that he and his likeminded colleagues have achieved in spite of their aversion to the 'Italian épée', while Greco and his supporters have nothing to show for their efforts in the competitive sphere.

Giuseppe Mangiarotti (right) pommels his French épée grip against Filippo Fürst (left), while Luigi Colombetti (centre) acts as referee.

This should of course not mean that modern readers ought to completely discard the theories and inventions of Agesilao Greco, but given the larger-than-life image that is often painted of him, we would do well to put his writings into their proper context and understand what criticisms were offered by his contemporaries; and indeed there are few contemporaries more qualified to offer a rebuttal of Greco's complaints than Giuseppe Mangiarotti. After the master's death in 1970, an obituary for him published in the same magazine as his 1941 article asserted that 'it is more simple to say that the story of Italian épée, save for a few names, is the story, the fruit of [Mangiarotti's] work'.2 The following year saw the publication of the Italian Fencing Federation's new official épée textbook, whose material was written by none other than Giuseppe Mangiarotti, then edited and prepared for publication posthumously by his son, Edoardo.3




The épée and its champions

In the field of sports in general and fencing in particular there exist two forms of activity. On the one hand are those who work, perhaps in silence, on the other are those who limit themselves only to prattling and fencing with words and theories.

To the first group belong only the sportsmen worthy of this name: the champions who stand out and give prestige to the sport, and the good masters who have the will and ability to teach—in a word, the masters capable of forging champions. To the other group belong the theoreticians by profession who invent methods and waste paper and ink and time in meaningless empty talk.

The latest rare find of the season is the ridiculous question of the so-called 'French épée'. It is time this outcry against the supposed anti-Italianness of épéeists and Italian épée came to an end. It is time to stop accusing the greatest champions that Italian épée has ever had and the Italian masters who forged these champions of being anti-Italian. It is time that Italian sportsmen and fencers in particular learn to distinguish that which is a petty and empty business matter from a clear, incontrovertible, indisputable reality. In sport as in life, the only reality that counts is the result. It is not my intention to gossip or to get lost in disquisitions suitable only for laypeople.

The ridiculous matter of a presumed sporting anti-patriotism in regard to those who use the so-called 'French épée' has no reason to exist; the weapon that is commonly known by this name, while it should instead be called the 'sword without a crossguard', was not invented by the French, but is the derivation of the old Italian fiorettone,4 as it had been conceived—twenty years before épée competitions began in France—by the very famous Italian Maestro Enrichetti, founder, along with the great Radaelli, of the Milan Master's School.

However, the absence of the metallic cross on the weapon's hilt, the so-called 'crossguard', characteristic of the Italian foil and épée, cannot give a stamp of exoticism to a weapon which is used by the overwhelming majority of Italian épéeists, with a method and a school that is completely Italian.

What is there to be reproached in Italian épée? Perhaps for managing in a decade or so to emerge from absolute mediocrity and having by now been established as the best in the world? Do we perhaps reproach the Italian épéeists, the weapons, and the methods they adopted to successfully win the Olympiads in Antwerp, in Amsterdam, and in Los Angeles, and repeating this success in the most resounding manner at the greatest Olympiad in history, the Berlin Olympics?

A method and a means can be criticised only if it does not give tangible results and only if methods and means are devised which practice—and not theories—proves superior. Should we negate, disregard—or worse, accuse of being anti-Italian—the resounding and unequalled victories of the greatest fencer Italy has ever had: NEDO NADI, solely because the Livornese ace wielded a weapon which the famous theoreticians rushed to dub as French? We want facts, not words.

To the master of a series of methods and systems without results, and who today attacks our method and our system, we ask him as a teacher:

  1. Who were and who are the students of yours who have even modestly distinguished themselves—speaking not of international competitions, but in simple national or even zonal competitions?
  2. What are the names of your students who should logically appear at least in the lowest category established by the Italian Fencing Federation?
  3. How many Italian épéeists wield the so-called Italian épée which bears your name?
  4. How many Italian masters teach épée according to such methods and models?
  5. What are the international results achieved in the past by épéeists with this épée?
  6. Which fencing nations have adopted this épée model?

To all these questions which we know will be left unanswered, I answer: NONE.

To the great inventor I also ask how in the space of a few years he felt the need to substitute his famous and unused épée model equipped with hooks and wheels with a new and more perfect type passed off as his exclusive model and which is nothing other than the old Italian sword, an enlarged copy of the fiorettone abandoned and obsolete for many decades. But that is not all: the mania of criticism and deskbound victories mostly around the coffee table have brought this teacher to criticise all the real technical progress achieved by modern épée and, first and foremost, by the electric registering of thrusts, which has for once allowed the abolition of partisanship, incompetency and blind juries, and which has made the épée the most widespread and most popular weapon.

Even the new international regulations—studied through years of experience and imposed above all by Italians, and foremost by Nedo Nadi—are not resistant to the innovator's criticism, as if our successes did not also confirm the quality of our point of view.

I said it before, and I know I am right in asserting that the only facts that count in sport are results. If one had to follow the reasoning of the supposed anti-Italianness of a weapon's grip, it would be all the more necessary I say not to reform but actually abolish a series of foreign-imported inventions. At this rate, through a foolish concession to patriotism the whole world should abandon the use of the radio and the telephone invented by Italians and Italians in turn should walk and abandon railways because the locomotive was invented by George Stephenson, or cease shaving with a safety razor because Gillette invented it.

Precisely to explain the quality of a means and a system which have proven to be the best, I feel it necessary to trace, for those who ignored it or in case they forgot it, a brief summary of the history of Italian épée.

No one has ever dreamed of forcing our épéeists not to use the épée with a crossguard. It was the fencers themselves who, feeling ill at ease with this weapon when facing foreigners, gradually and voluntarily abandoned it, preferring the sword without a crossguard, the Visconti, and the San Malato. In fact, many years ago when our best épée champions of the time were participating in the championships at Nice, Montecarlo, and the London Olympics while wielding the weapon with a crossguard against the French and Belgians, they never managed to succeed (see the official results of the individual and team competitions that were played out in the distance years of 1900 to 1916).

Having personally participated in all these competitions, I unfortunately had to convince myself that the sole cause of our disappointments and continuous defeats was precisely the inferiority of the weapon furnished with a crossguard, using which one could not carry out a varied and profitable game against a weapon which lends itself magnificently to exploiting all the technical and anatomical possibilities.

Bearing in mind the observations deriving from personal experience and being firmly convinced that the weapon without a crossguard allows a more varied, less rigid, and more complete game (a conviction which was then confirmed by the brilliant successes achieved by my students), I forged my method by adapting this weapon to the needs and the mentality of Italian épéeists.

It is immediately apparent that this is not a case of an imported exotic method, but a very Italian method which only makes use of a weapon more practical than the one with a crossguard, with which we did not manage to achieve tangible success. The most flattering results did not take long to yield rightful satisfaction, indeed my students began to distinguish themselves even in the most famous international encounters. Immediately after the war a long series of uninterrupted, resounding victories began.

In 1919 at the extremely important International Championships in Ostend, in which the strongest French and Belgian fencers took part, I won the individual competition and, together with my excellent students Basletta and Pracchi, also the team competition. The following year at Antwerp Nedo Nadi, after having triumphed in the individuals at the Olympics, led the Italian team to victory, while in 1923 in Ostend Basletta won the very important international tournament in which over 350 fencers took part.

At the Paris Olympics, my students Mantegazza and Cuccia and Maestro Colombetti's students Canova and Bertinetti distinguished themselves, among others, all wielding the weapon without a crossguard. At the Amsterdam Olympics came confirmation of the quality of my method, of my school, with the resounding success achieved in the team competition by my four very young students Cornaggia, Riccardi, Agostoni, and Minoli, who, along with Basletta and Bertinetti, were proclaimed Olympic champions before the strongest fencers in the world.

Nor did the continuous achievements of my students stop there: indeed at the Los Angeles Olympics Cornaggia won the individual Olympic title, and Agostoni placed third. Meanwhile the Italian team, after an uninterrupted series of victories abroad, won the international Gautier-Vignal Cup for the first time in 1931 and confirmed their own superiority in all other successive trials; thus the international tournament in Nice, until then undisputedly dominated by foreign épéeists, was won twice by Nedo Nadi, and once by my student Battaglia followed in the ranking by Edoardo Mangiarotti. And then more individual and team victories in innumerable other smaller trials.

At the last Olympics came the apotheosis: after winning the team tournament with Cornaggia, Ragno, Riccardi, E. Mangiarotti, Brusati, and Pezzana, the three Italians participating in the individual competition—Riccardi, Ragno, and Cornaggia—were classified in the top three places overall with a success that has no precedent in the history of fencing.

All these successes, to which one may add other very import international victories on the world's pistes, were achieved exclusively by fencers who used either the weapon without a crossguard or a Visconti model Italian épée, also lacking a crossguard, but with a grip moulded to the shape of the hand. Indeed it was not for nothing that, out of sixteen épéeists classified in the first category, a good twelve people fence with the sword without a crossguard, four with the Visconti, and none uses or dreams of using another type of épée. But no one can doubt that all their victories bring the glorious seal of the unmistakable style of Italian épée fencing.

M° Giuseppe Mangiarotti


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1 For the earliest mention of it I have found so far, see "Aurelio Greco a Milano," La Gazzetta dello Sport, 11 December 1903, 2. Many subsequent articles attribute the sword to Aurelio alone, but he himself makes it clear that the design involved the contributions of both brothers. See Aurelio Greco, "Tra due spade," La Gazzetta dello Sport, 9 May 1904, 2.
2 Giorgio Rastelli, "Sempre all'attacco: in pedana e nella vita," Scherma: mensile della FIS, December 1970.
3 Giuseppe Mangiarotti, La spada ([Rome]: Scuola Centrale dello Sport, [1971]).
4 Translator's note: A pseudo-historical term meaning 'large foil'.